Why Henry III Had Two Coronations

In October 1216, Henry III became king of England aged 9 years old on the death of his father, King John. Henry’s succession to the throne was not guaranteed as the French Prince Louis, later king Louis VIII, remained in England, still harbouring hopes of taking the English throne. For the English nobles still loyal to the crown even after the difficult and dark days of John’s reign, it was of critical importance to crown the young Henry as soon as possible. Urgent discussions were held regarding a possible coronation. Some wanted to wait for Ranulf, Earl of Chester to arrive in Gloucester where they had gathered. But, as time was of the essence, it was eventually agreed that they would not wait for Ranulf and Henry would be immediately knighted by William Marshal, the most senior and respected knight in the country, before Henry was crowned at Gloucester Cathedral.

Dressed in handsome robes that had been hastily prepared for the occasion, the little Henry was crowned just 9 days after the death of his father, on 28th October 1216. The papal legate, named Guala, representing Pope Honorius III, oversaw the ceremony. After he had been consecrated king, Henry, who had had a long and emotionally challenging last 10 days or so for such a young boy, was hoisted up into the air by several knights and taken back to his chambers where he could rest and change into less heavy and cumbersome garments. Out of necessity because of the political situation, Henry’s first coronation had been a hasty affair. Now he needed a guardian to see him through these difficult early years of his reign.

The obvious candidate was William Marshal who, understandably, was reluctant to be the kings’ regent. Marshal had given the crown decades of loyal service and was now nearly 70 years old. The other candidate was the Earl of Chester but Ranulf urged Marshal to take the position, describing him as one of the finest knights in the world. Still, Marshal remained reluctant and it took the intervention of the papal legal who practically begged Marshal to be the king’s regent. Guala even offered Marshal a pardon of his sins if he would accept. Guala finally broke Marshal with this offer and, until his death in 1219, he served Henry III in noble fashion. In 1217, it was Marshal who broke the back of Prince Louis’ campaign in England by raising the siege of Lincoln and defeating the French in battle. Although Louis had divided his army in two and he himself was laying siege to Dover Castle, the defeat in Lincoln was a bitter blow and eventually he returned to France a disappointed man.

By 1220, Pope Honorious III had decided the time had come for Henry III to be crowned again but this time in a more solemn and befitting ceremony. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Stephen Langton, was happy to oblige and Henry’s second coronation was arranged for the 17th May 1220. Word was sent around the country to the nobility that their attendance at the ceremony was fully expected and no excuse would be tolerated. This point was more strongly emphasised to those who had supported Louis’ failed campaign even in its later stages.The turnout for the coronation was good and Henry was once again crowned, this time by Archbishop Stephen. Also in attendance was another papal legate, Pandaulf, who had taken over from Guala in 1218. 

The ceremony took place at Westminster Abbey on which Henry would later spend much time, money and devotion. The king swore that he would defend the church and keep peace in his kingdom. Everything went well and finally England seemed to be at peace with some members of the nobility with long memories stating that previous kings had not enjoyed the luxury of being crowned in such a calm climate. Of course, this is conveniently ignoring the fact that Henry had to be crowned twice and the first occasion can hardly be described as tranquil. But the country could now look forward to a new era.

 

The Kings' Favourite: The Rise And Fall of Piers Gaveston

In 1307, England had a new king. Edward II was a robust young man in his early twenties. But, from very early on, the prospects of a peaceful reign were slim and, by and large, this was almost entirely Edward’s own fault. One of his first acts as king was to recall his close friend, Piers Gaveston, from exile. Edward’s father, Edward I, had developed a deep mistrust of Piers who he felt, rightly, held too much influence over his son. Edward I banished Piers from his kingdom but, on the old king’s death in July 1307, the new king, Edward II, was free to recall him. On Piers’ return, he was made Earl of Cornwall which had the approval of some of the magnates but went down like a lead balloon with others who clearly hated Piers. Piers, born in Gascony, acted almost like a second king as he knew he held the king’s deep affection. Whatsmore, Piers was tied closer to Edward II when the king married him to his niece, Margaret. Margaret was the daughter of Edward’s sister, Joan of Acre, who had been born whilst Edward I and his Queen ,Eleanor of Castile, had been on Crusade. Margaret’s father was the now long dead Gilbert De Clare, Earl of Gloucester. To add to Piers’ already massive ego, the king held a tournament in his honour at Wallingford on 2nd December 1307. Resentment of this foreign born man from lowly origins continued to grow but Piers could not care less.

For a number of years, long before he became king, Edward had been betrothed to Isabella, daughter of the French king Philip IV. The arrangement had been made when Edward was 15 and Isabella aged 3 or 4. An embassy had been sent to Philip’s court to finalise the arrangements and Edward now prepared to cross the channel to France. Acting as guardian of England in his absence would be Piers Gaveston. Edward and Isabella, who was now aged about 12, married in January 1308 before they returned to England. Attention now turned towards Edward and his new Queen’s coronation which took place on 25th February 1308. At the coronation, Piers, dressed in purple, a colour usually reserved for royalty, made himself the centre of attention. He carried in his “filthy hands”, as one chronicler put it, the crown and help organise the celebration feast and he cast a significant shadow over the young Queen who must have been bewildered enough already with the pomp and ceremony without having to compete for her husband’s attention with the obnoxious Piers. Piers behaviour caused widespread anger and mutterings of mutiny against the king and his favourite gathered apace. Edward was in grave danger of losing the support of his nobility so early into his reign. He maintained the backing of Hugh Despenser who, along with his son, would become increasingly controversial as the reign wore on and the king’s nephew, another Gilbert De Clare, who had succeeded his father as Earl of Gloucester, attempted to remain neutral. But, as tensions rose, this would become more and more difficult. Even Henry De Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, one time friend of Piers, grew to hate him. Naive at times he may be, even Edward had enough sense to realise that he needed to apply caution. He strengthened, repaired and garrisoned his castles whilst his nobles did the same with their strongholds. It seemed Edward II’s England was readying itself for civil war.

But this didn’t need to be the case and the nobles knew it. If only the king would rid himself of this despised Gaveston, then all could be well in the kingdom and Edward, without needless distractions, could turn his focus towards governing the country. He was, eventually, persuaded to banish Piers from England. For the second time, Piers was to be exiled which was arranged for the 24th June 1308. Edward accompanied his favourite to Bristol and watched on as Piers set sail for Ireland. It was clear though that Piers would return and it’s almost certain that Edward had already determined that in his mind. For his part, Piers himself would know that Edward was not ready to abandon him and it was merely a matter of playing the waiting game. 

However, peace did not come. Disharmony and division reigned, particularly amongst the nobility. Much to their annoyance, Piers’ continued to greatly enrich himself in Ireland with revenues that ought to have transferred to the English crown. Edward, for his part, saw an opportunity to divide the nobility with cunning and manipulation. He used bribery and gentle persuasion to win them over to his side. For the king, this was necessary as he had, through his own stupidity, allowed a situation to develop that threatened to pit the entire nobility against him. He needed to put a stop to that immediately. For the time being, he was succeesful. Only Guy De Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, stood steadfast against the king. For Edward, this was good enough.

The following year of 1309 saw the return, in secret, of Piers to England. He landed at Chester where the overjoyed king came to meet him. Edward’s attempts of divide and conquer had worked and there was little dissent from his nobles regarding Piers’ return. The likes of Henry De Lacy and John De Warenne, Earl of Surrey, decided to set aside their differences. The chronicles hint that these men were fickle which is perhaps harsh. For the sake of peace in England, which, as mentioned, had been teetering on the brink of civil war, giving Piers and the king a second chance would be preferable to arming themselves in readiness for battle. Civil war rarely did any good and now it could only be hoped that Edward and Piers, the latter in particular, had been humbled enough to act in a more suitable manner. Unfortunately, any such hopes would be dashed.

Piers had not been humbled at all. Instead, he created insulting nicknames for his enemies. He referred to De Lacy as “burstbelly”, the Earl of Warwick as “The Black Dog of Arden”, Thomas, Earl of Lancaster was “The Fiddler” among others. Any chances of reconciliation between the nobles and Piers were literally made impossible because of the latter’s astonishing attitude and arrogance. Enmity grew, particularly with the Earl of Lancaster who, thanks to Piers’ interventions with the king, saw his influence rapidly diminish. However, this had very little impact on Edward who celebrated Christmas with Gaveston in Hertfordshire, with Edward in particularly high spirits. However, once the festive season was over, Edward could not continue to run away from his growing problems. The king called Parliament in January of 1310 but found very few responded. The nobles made it clear to Edward that whilst Piers remained in his presence, then they would abstain from meeting the king. Were it absolutely necessary for them to attend, then they would arrive heavily armed. Realising he couldn’t ignore these warnings, Edward sent Piers away into hiding for a time whilst he held tense discussions with his nobles.

It was put forward to the king that a council of advisers to help him govern should be appointed. These would be known as Ordainers. Unsurprisingly, the proposal was met with reluctance from Edward who tried his best to delay giving a proper answer but when he was threatened with deposition, he found himself with little choice. 21 Ordainers were elected. Among them included the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earls of Lancaster and Gloucester. Shortly after this, Edward decided to launch a campaign in Scotland and ordered his nobles to meet him at Berwick Upon Tweed. It’s possible that this was a petulant act of defiance on the kings’ part and an attempt to show that he was still the true power in England. If so, many of the nobles were happy to prove otherwise and ignored him. Only the Earls of Gloucester and Surrey, from the most powerful nobles, heeded the call. Another possibility for Edward’s campaign is that he was trying to dodge a summons from his father in law, Philip IV, who wanted him to pay homage for Gascony and Ponthieu. Whatever the cause for Edward’s trip northwards, it was entirely pointless. Robert The Bruce avoided any form of confrontation with the English army and all Edward managed to achieve was to restock his Scottish castles. In the Summer of 1311, the Ordainers arrived in London with a list of demands that would keep in check the power of the English crown. Edward had no choice but to leave Scotland and face the music. The list of demands, known as the Ordinances, included holding Parliament at least once a year, appointments made by the king were to be made only after the approval of Parliament and, in reference to Edward’s recent and dismal campaign up north, the king was not allowed to go to war without the consent of the nobility. The one demand that upset Edward the most, unquestionably, was the one that required Piers Gaveston be sent, permanently, into exile. Edward was even willing to grant all the other Ordinances without delay if the nobles allowed Piers to stay in England. Edward’s pleas eventually turned to threats when he saw that the nobles had remained unmoved. Eventually, Edward saw the game was up and put his seal on the ordinances. Piers was sent into exile in November 1311, travelling to Flanders in secret.

But this third and final exile of Gaveston did not last long. The king’s temper, teetering on the edge, was pushed past it’s limits when it was proposed that all of Piers’ friends and allies be sent away from the royal court lest they suggest to the king the idea of recalling Piers. At this, Edward was irate and he immediately ordered Piers to return to England. But it seems even Piers feared that this may not be sensible. He returned but attempted to keep a low profile. However, the nobles soon became aware that Piers had indeed come back and a meeting between them and the Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert Winchelsey, was held. Winchelsey excommunicated Piers and the nobles, led by Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, now made plans to arrest Gaveston. Thomas marched Northwards to Newcastle where he seized weapons and horses that had been given to Gaveston by the king. Thomas then got word that Gaveston was holed up at Scarborough, some distance away from the king’s protection. Thomas positioned himself so that the king could not come to Piers’ rescue whilst the other nobles laid siege to Scarborough. For Gaveston, the fast and loose game that he had been playing since the days of Edward I were nearly up. Piers eventually surrendered to the Earl of Pembroke, Aymer De Valance, who sent him to a little village named Deddington. On hearing this, the Earl of Warwick made straight for Piers, arriving in Deddington on 10th June 1312. Warwick, calling out in the early morning air, ordered Gaveston to arise and meet his fate. The possibility of sending Gaveston to a traitor’s death, I.E having him hanged, drawn and quartered, was discussed but, in the end, a mere beheading was decided upon. Gaveston was handed over to the Earl of Lancaster, pleading desperately for his life. His tears had little impact and he was taken to Black Hill where two Welshmen, in the employ of Lancaster, were ordered to kill him. One ran Piers through with his sword before the other cut off his head. Some local friars gathered Piers’ body and took him to Oxford for burial.

When he heard the news, Edward said of Piers,”By God’s soul, he acted as a fool!” But these were the words of a man trying not to show the tremendous grief he felt. He had loved Piers like a brother and this was a tremendous blow to him. Edward called Parliament and, again, many of the nobles arrived armed and some, including Lancaster, unsurprisingly given his role in Piers’ death, arrived with a small army to back them up. As turbulent as 1312 had proved to be for the king however, there was some good news in November of that year. His young Queen, Isabella, had given birth to a baby boy, named Edward, at Windsor. The birth of an heir was vitally important for Kings in the Middle Ages but for Edward II it was especially important. He had been threatened with deposition before he had barely accomplished anything as king and, as time had gone on, the threat of Edward losing his crown had only increased. Later in the century, In 1399, Henry Bolingbroke deposed his childless cousin Richard II and took the crown for himself. But, with the birth of this little boy that would become Edward III, the throne of Edward II was a little more secure.

 

The Final Days of Edward I

 

In the summer of 1307, Edward I, Hammer of the Scots, turned 68, an old man in the medieval period. He was, by this point, also stricken with dysentery, that disease that so often cut down great warriors in the Middle Ages. Despite this, Edward was not a man who would be broken easily. In Scotland, a few weeks before Edward celebrated his 68th and final birthday, Robert The Bruce irked him by defeating an English army at Loudoun Hill. As soon as he heard of this, Edward ordered all the great men of England to meet him in the North in preparation for yet another Scottish campaign.

But, in reality, Edward was in no fit condition to make even a short, leisurely journey, never mind leading an army into Scotland against a capable enemy. So ill had the king become that only his closest advisers were allowed to communicate with him. Inevitably, rumours began to circulate that Edward was, in fact, dead. For the time being, the rumours were false but Edward knew he had little time left. Rather than conserving his energy, Edward, on hearing that an increasing number of people thought he was dead, was spurred on and hastened the preparations for war. 

Having travelled to Carlisle as planned, Edward left the city on Monday 3rd July 1307. But, predictably given the king’s health, travel was slow. He was only able to travel a distance of two miles at a time over the course of that Monday and a further two miles the following day. Even that exhausted the old king and, on Wednesday, the king was forced to rest, no doubt to his great frustration. On Thursday 6th, Edward reached Burgh on Sands and it seems that it was here that he realised that his condition was rapidly worsening. He made plans for another rest day for the next day but Edward knew now that he would not reach Scotland.

On Friday 7th July, Edward’s servants went to wake him. It was usual for the king to sleep in until around 9am. But when the servants entered his camp so he could eat some breakfast, it was quite apparent that the king was on his deathbed. Not long after, the king died in his servant’s arms. 

It was decided upon that the death of Edward should be kept a secret until his son, now Edward II, should arrive along with the nobility. However, some couldn’t keep a secret and word soon got out that the king was dead. Those who had been responsible for this were imprisoned as punishment. When Edward II finally arrived, he decided that his father’s body should be escorted back to London by the king’s treasurer Walter Langton who was also the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. Edward’s body lay in state in Waltham Abbey in Essex, a town where, in all likelihood, the body of Harold II lies.

The Chronicler Peter Langtoft wrote this of Edward I:

King Edward was the flower of Christendom

He was so powerful and great, so powerful in arms

That of him may one speak as long as the world lasts

For he had no equal as a knight in armour

For vigour and valour, neither present nor future

This is only a short extract from Peter’s lengthy appraisal of Edward and, mostly, it speaks glowingly of the Hammer of the Scots. One line towards the end does make reference to the sins that Edward committed in his life. And there was no doubt Edward had committed a few of those in his time. He was, it can be argued, the most feared of all England’s medieval kings. For Robert The Bruce, the death of the man who had once forced him into hiding in a wet and lonely cave in Scotland’s Western Isles, could only be good news. Although Edward is known as the Hammer of the Scots, his subjugation of Wales equally as forceful. His castles across Wales still stand testament to that to this day. And, it must be said, there would have been a few in England who might not have been too sorry to see the back of the old king.

The Murder of Thomas Becket

 On 29th December 1170, Thomas Becket, the Archbishop of Canterbury who had driven Henry II to the point of distraction with his stubbornness, was murdered in quite brutal fashion in Canterbury Cathedral. 4 knights, thinking they were acting on behalf of the king after overhearing another of his furious outbursts, armed themselves and went to confront the Archbishop. These four men were named Reginald Fitzurse, William De Tracy, Hugh De Morville and Richard Brito. On arriving in Canterbury, they attempted to reason with Becket, urging him not to be so headstrong in his relations with the king. For years, Becket and Henry had been at loggerheads as the king tried to impose royal control over the church with Becket absolutely refusing to comply. Discussions between Becket and the four knights on this cold winter’s night rumbled on and it became clear to Fitzurse, De Tracy, Morville and Brito that they were making little headway.

The conversation had gradually become more heated and the four knights stepped out into the courtyard. Becket perhaps thinking they had gone to cool off. This was not the case. Evidently, the knights had been prepared for the eventuality of a deadlock with Becket and now they prepared to turn up the heat on the Archbishop. They removed the garments they had put on to disguise the armour they were wearing and stepped back inside the Cathedral, in what was a clear show of intimidation. Those around Becket realised that the situation was becoming dangerous and urged him to back down. Becket was not for turning and would not be bullied into submission. He prepared to take Mass, knowing full well that the anger of the knights had now reached boiling point.

They began to sack the place, rushing through Becket’s living quarters with swords drawn. Fitzurse briefly became separated from the rest of the group. Bumping into one of the others, Fitzurse, clearly becoming more and more agitated, demanded to know where Becket had gone. Before his fellow knight could respond however, a voice from behind Fitzurse said “Here am I, Reginald. I have conferred many a benefit on you, Reginald; and do you now come to me with arms in your hands?” Fitzurse, in response, called Becket a traitor and made obvious threats with his sword. Becket, however, remained steadfast with Fitzurse showing signs of losing his nerve. He demanded Becket flee the scene, a clear indication that Fitzurse wished the episode to be over. At this point, Fitzurse was joined by his fellow knights which restored some of his confidence. Still Becket stood his ground and told the men facing him that he would willingly embrace death but, under no circumstances, were they to harm anybody else in the Cathedral. Fitzurse and the others finally snapped and they fell on the Archbishop with blow after blow raining down on Becket. The top of his head was sliced off and his brains began to seep out on to the cold Cathedral ground.

Before fleeing the horrifying scene, Fitzurse, De Tracy, Morville and Brito pillaged more of Becket’s belongings. As they rode off into the night, the reality of what they had done began to dawn on them. Initially, they may have felt jubilant in the mistaken belief that they had carried out the king’s wishes to be rid of a longstanding and highly bothersome problem. But there were two things wrong with that. The first being that the king certainly didn’t want Becket dead. Before the problems between Henry and Becket arose, which had begun not long after Becket’s appointment as Archbishop in 1162, they had been good friends. In his previous position as Chancellor, Becket had served the king nobly and England ,under Henry II and Becket, had started to flourish after years of trouble during the reign of King Stephen. Secondly, Becket was a man of God and this crime would stun not just England but the whole of Europe. 

For the four knights, soon made fully aware of the public reaction to their heinous crime, the only thing for it was to lay low for a while before humbly begging for forgiveness from the pope. All four were ordered to travel eastwards to the Holy Land to fight the enemies of Christianity. Such a pilgrimage, or even a crusade, was the only way of winning back God’s favour. As for Henry II, when news of Becket’s death was brought to him, his reaction was one of absolute horror. Whilst he performed very public acts of penance at Canterbury, it wasn’t enough to undo the damage. His reign, it can be argued, never fully recovered. In the years following Becket’s death, the king’s sons went into open rebellion against him and would plague him until his own death in 1189. In this age, some would say that this was divine punishment for Henry’s furious outburst that had led to such a disastrous murder.

The Vengeance and Downfall of Richard II

 

In 1397, England was a hopeful place after years and, indeed, decades of trouble and strife. After the death of his first wife in 1394, which left him devastated, King Richard II had married again. This time to a young girl, Isabella, the 6 year old daughter of the French king, Charles VI. Richard, to his credit, treated the little girl well and acted as a father figure to her. Isabella, staying at Windsor Castle, would greatly anticipate visits from Richard. Another youngster who took to Richard was Henry Of Monmouth, the son of Richard’s cousin, Henry Bolingbroke. After Bolingbroke had been dramatically sent into exile by the king, Richard took the younger Henry, aged then 11 or 12, into his care. Like Isabella, Richard showed great kindness to the young boy and Henry wouldn’t forget it. After he became King Henry V in 1413, he moved Richard’s body from Kings Langley in Hertfordshire to the far more regal surroundings of Westminster Abbey. This capability for kindness shows Richard was not all bad but there was another, more petulant, side to him.

The hope that the country felt after the king’s second marriage was aided by the fact that Richard had secured a peace with the French that would put a halt, temporarily at least, to the decades long conflict with France. During the last years of the reign of Richard’s grandfather Edward III and into the early years of Richard’s own reign, the war had turned on England to the point where the French were threatening a full blown invasion of England. Benefits to continuing the war seemed few and far between for Richard and he was a man more inclined to peace and so the truce reached with the French would have pleased him even if more warlike men in England didn’t necessarily agree. England had also benefited financially from Richard’s marriage to Isabella and with expensive military expeditions in France now, seemingly, not necessary, a period of calm and prosperity appeared to be on the horizon. Unfortunately, Richard’s inability to forgive and forget would put paid to that.

In 1388, the Merciless Parliament, led by a group of nobles known as the Lords Appellant, had sought to remove members of Richard’s government that they had come to hate. Some were executed, others, who had fled, were sentenced to death in absentia whilst a number were exiled to Ireland. At this point, Richard was at the mercy of his enemies and it took the return of Richard’s Uncle, John of Gaunt, from his failed attempts to win the crown of Castile, to restore some manner of order for the king in England. But, no question, Richard was pent up with frustration and anger at his nobles’ attempts to control him. In 1394, that anger, coupled with the grief of the death of his beloved wife Anne of Bohemia, blew up. Whilst attending Anne’s funeral, Richard was left incensed at the late arrival of one of the nobles. Seeing this as another insult to his royal dignity, the king flew into a rage and beat the nobleman viciously. Richard’s marriage to Isabella in 1396 presented an opportunity to steer his reign in a different direction and also to establish a positive lasting legacy for himself. As well as securing peace in his kingdom and improving the country’s finances, Richard still had to think about the succession. He had no children from his marriage to Anne and an heir could not be secured for some time yet as his new Queen was just a child and could not realistically be expected to produce offspring for perhaps another decade. This left Richard open to a potential deposition.

But, rather than thinking about his legacy, it was revenge that was first and foremost on the king’s mind. As England seemed to be on the brink of peace, the storm broke. Richard had his uncle, Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, arrested at the historic castle of Pleshey in Essex before having him transferred to Calais where he was tortured and secretly executed. The Earl of Warwick, Thomas De Beauchamp was invited to a banquet by the king where the unsuspecting Earl was arrested and sentenced to life in prison. On 21st September 1397, Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, was sentenced to a traitor’s death but the king, enjoying the power he now held over the enemies that had embarrassed him a decade before, commuted it to a mere beheading. But the king’s nerves were clearly ill at ease and, at this time, it’s said that he suffered from nightmares, as the ghost of the dead earl of Arundel danced in front of him. Restless, the king knew other members of the Lords Appellant were still awaiting his retribution.

Then, in 1398, another chance presented itself to Richard to have two of his enemies banished from his kingdom. A dispute arose between Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, and the kings’ cousin, Henry Bolingbroke, with the latter accusing Mowbray of speaking words of treason against the king. The two were ordered to fight a trial by combat. However, just before this would take place, at Coventry, the king rose to his feet and instead sentenced the pair to exile, Henry for 10 years, Mowbray for life. The king surely must have relished this piece of theatre. Mowbray would die soon after, in 1399, which permanently removed any threat to Richard of him making a return. But another death in 1399 would have damaging consequences for the king. This was the death of John of Gaunt. John’s Duchy of Lancaster should now have passed to his son, Bolingbroke, now in exile. Richard seized the incredibly wealthy duchy for himself and must have felt in a position of immense strength.

Richard was a man of ego. Richard’s first wife, Anne of Bohemia, had been the daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV and there had been talk, earlier in his reign, that Richard was a contender to become the new Emperor and rumours even circulated that he had been elected so. Those rumours were false but they delighted the king and fanned the burning flames for vengeance against the Lords Appellant. After all, who were they to try and dictate to a king such as he? By 1399, with many of his enemies dealt with, Richard, in an act of sheer stupidity, decided now was the time to campaign in Ireland. This shows you where Richard was mentally. In his mind, he was untouchable. But Richard should have known that exile was not the same as execution. An exile did not necessarily have to be permanent if the convicted person so wished. Henry, with the burning injustice of having his inheritance seized, determined that he would return to England and now, with the king not even in the country, was the perfect time. And Henry would find that support would be sufficient not only for taking his inheritance of Lancaster but also the crown of England.

Six Events That Shaped Christmas In The Middle Ages

 Christmas during the Middle Ages could be a busy time. Here, we will take a look at some of the events that happened during a medieval Christmas that would have a lasting impact on history. Firstly, we'll have a look at some famous coronations.

Christmas Coronations

Charlemagne Crowned Holy Roman Emperor  Christmas Day 800

Being Pope around the 8th, 9th and 10th centuries could be a particularly unpleasant experience. Stories of popes being usurped, murdered or having rival popes installed against them (anti popes) were rife and            Leo III's story is no less brutal, having nearly been blinded and his tongue almost torn out in a vicious attack on him by the citizens of Rome. Charlemagne went to his aid where Leo offered to crown him Emperor. Future emperors like Charles The Bald would also have themselves crowned on Christmas Day; Not only for religious reasons but also to follow in the footsteps of Charles The Great.

William The Conqueror Crowned King of England 1066

After his victory at Hastings in October 1066, William of Normandy was crowned king of England at Westminster Abbey on Christmas Day 1066. But the coronation didn't exactly go according to plan. A huge roar of approval was bellowed out by those inside the abbey in acceptance of the new king but William's guards outside took this as a sign William was in danger and went on the rampage. As chaos broke out, William remained inside the abbey, shellshocked and furious,

Baldwin I Crowned King of Jerusalem 1100

After The First Crusade had reclaimed Jerusalem for Christianity in the summer of 1099, a ruler over the Holy City had to be established, The man the crusaders turned to was Godfrey of Bouillon, Godfrey, however, refused to take the title of king in this holiest of places nor would he accept a crown, instead assuming the title of defender of the Holy Sepulchre. He died in 1100 and it would be his brother, Baldwin, who would become the first king of Jerusalem when he was crowned Christmas Day 1100

Christmas Births

King John Born Christmas Eve 1166

On Christmas eve, 1166, the final child to be born to King Henry II and his Queen, Eleanor of Aquitaine, arrived at Beaumont Palace, Oxford. This little boy would be named John. The future prospects for John looked limited as he had three surviving old brothers ahead of him in the line of succession. Lands and power would surely be hard to come by for him as he grew up. Lacking in lands and titles he may be but John could take some comfort from the fact that he was his father's favourite and also from the fact that life in the medieval period could change in the blink of an eye.

Christmas Deaths

Byzantine Emperor Leo V murdered Christmas Day 820

Being Byzantine emperor was a dangerous old game as Leo V was to find out to his cost on Christmas Day 820. Having forced his way on to the imperial throne in 813,  Leo would have to see off his own share of plots against him with one coming from a man named Michael The Amorian. Leo was going to carry out Michael's execution swiftly but allowed himself to be persuaded to leave it until after Christmas which would prove to be a big mistake. Supporters of Michael attacked Leo whilst he was attending mass in the early hours of Christmas morning. Leo attempted to defend himself with a large cross but had his arm severed by one of the assassins and, from there, he was easy prey.

Henry III Of Castile Died Christmas Day 1406

Afflicted by poor health, Henry is sometimes referred to as the Suffering. His 13 year long reign was a proactive one despite his personal issues as Henry engaged in naval conflicts with England, saw off a threat posed to him by Portugal and kept things stable at home. His wife, Catherine, was an English princess and a daughter of John of Gaunt who had previously tried to take the Crown of Castile. Despite his best efforts, Henry's health caught up with him and he died aged only 27 on Christmas day 1406.

Although some of the events talked about here may suggest otherwise, Christmas day was a very important day in the medieval calendar, far more important then it is today, hence why some of the period's great men like Charlemagne and William The Conqueror chose to have the most important moments of their lives held on that particular day. During the hundred years war, fighting was periodically stopped including at the Siege of Orleans in 1428 so the dead could be buried. Kings like Richard II of England chose to celebrate the day by holding a ludicrously large feast. Richard was not alone in enjoying himself in that regard.. Even the poor could enjoy themselves and, for a short time at least, could forget about the harshness of their lives with some much needed merriment and donations from those higher up in the social standing.

Other posts you may enjoy

Eadric Streona; The Great Traitor of Anglo Saxon England

What Role Did Women Play During The Crusades?

The Incredible Life of Perkin Warbeck

In 1485, Henry Tudor defeated Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth and became king of England, completely against the odds. But as a usurper, Henry knew that he had a fight on his hands to keep the throne. In 1487, Henry saw off the uprising of Lambert Simnell with victory at the Battle of Stoke. But a more persistent problem would come in the unlikely form of a young man from Tournai. This young man is known to us as Perkin Warbeck. Warbeck claimed he was, in fact, Richard, Duke of York, the younger of the two Princes In The Tower. Perkin was roughly the right age to be passed off as Richard but he had to make his case convincing, For one, he had to learn and rapidly improve his English. Without that, he'd get nowhere.

It was in Ireland that Warbeck's story began to develop as Irish Yorkist supporters began to believe that Warbeck really was one of the sons of Edward IV and that it could be he who reclaimed the crown of England for the House of York. This would be disconcerting news for Henry VII in England as Ireland had strongly supported the uprising of Lambert Simnel, providing him with men for an invading army and Lambert had also been crowned in Dublin, However, not everybody in Ireland was convinced that supporting Perkin was the right course of action, Supporting Simnel's invasion had caused the Irish to lose thousands of its young men in the defeat at Stoke and it seemed unwise to provoke the wrath of the king of England again. But Warbeck's claims did begin to pick up momentum and word began to spread around Europe that one of Princes in The Tower was ready to claim the crown,  From Ireland, Warbeck sailed for France where he was greeted by king Charles VIII. The French, no doubt, happy to, once again, create mischief for England.

Henry did not stand for this however. He declared war on Charles and landed in Calais with a large army. Charles realised quickly that fighting a war over Warbeck was clearly not worth it and he soon came to terms with Henry. Charles agreed to renounce his support of Warbeck and paid Henry a generous sum of money to leave France relatively unharmed which Henry was glad to do,  Now, Warbeck turned to Margaret of York, Duchess of Burgundy. Margaret was the sister of Edward IV and Richard III and therefore was the aunt of the Princes in the Tower. With most of Margaret's immediate family dead and with her having no children, it's possible Warbeck may have seen an opportunity to exploit any vulnerabilities Margaret may have had. Accordingly, Margaret publicly recognised Warbeck as her nephew and added 30 gentlemen to his retinue, all dressed in typical Yorkist fashion,

By 1493, Warbeck's story was becoming larger than life. In that year, he wrote Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon, the most powerful rulers in Europe at the time, relaying his tale. Although they were unmoved, Warbeck still had another potential powerful ally. Emperor Maximilian I had been left unimpressed by Henry's peace agreement with Charles VIII and so invited Warbeck to his court where he even attended the funeral of Maximilian's father. In England, King Henry grew steadily more irritable with this nuisance claimant who not only refused to go away but was making something of a name for himself.

By 1495, the king's frustration was only growing as men close to Henry, including his chamberlain, were found guilty of supporting the pretender and therefore. Some were imprisoned, others were executed. What had started out as a seemingly minor matter was now spiralling dangerously out of control for the king, And now Warbeck was ready to make his move. With a small fleet, he sailed for England where royalist supporters and bad weather combined to force Warbeck to sail once again for Ireland in search of reinforcements. In early 1496, Warbeck married a woman named Katherine Gordon, a match which had been arranged by another enemy of Henry, James IV of Scotland. James and Warbeck then launched an invasion of Northern England but James quickly retreated. Henry also came to an agreement with Emperor Maximilian as they formed an alliance against France. This, Henry hoped, deprived Warbeck of his most important potential ally. In August 1497, a peace agreement was reached with James IV and Warbeck finally appeared to be running out of options.

Warbeck rolled the dice one final time. Landing in Cornwall, Warbeck was joined by 3,000 men, many of whom were said to be naked, and attacked Exeter. This failed and Warbeck agreed to meet the king, Henry, a lenient man, showed his usual mercy to Warbeck and allowed him to stay at the royal court. However, after Warbeck made a break for it, once he had been recaptured, his treatment was less kind. He was placed in the stocks for public humiliation before being thrown in the Tower of London, The following year of 1499 he was hanged after, allegedly, plots to free him were uncovered, People can make up their own minds on if they believe Perkin or not. After all, his confessions were made under duress although his final words on the scaffold appear to confirm he was indeed an impostor. But what can' be denied is what an incredible life this young man led.

Geoffrey De Mandeville: Rebel And Outlaw

 

The reign of King Stephen was chaotic as he desperately sought to keep the throne he had stolen off his cousin, the Empress Matilda, in 1135. England descended into civil war that would become known as the Anarchy. The struggle for power swung back and forth. In 1141, Matilda appeared to strike a decisive blow when forces loyal to her defeated Stephen at Lincoln. But Matilda didn’t have enough support across the country to establish herself as Queen and worse was to follow for her when her key ally Robert of Gloucester, her half brother, was captured. Although Matilda had King Stephen in captivity, it was clear that hopes of her taking the crown depended largely on the support of Robert. As a result, an exchange took place with Stephen and Robert both being freed. It was now a stalemate.

During these dark and difficult times, the loyalty of men was sorely tested. One such example was Geoffrey De Mandeville, Earl of Essex. Geoffrey, described as a knight proven in battle, had been an important supporter of King Stephen in the early years of the Anarchy. But for Geoffrey, things would take a dark and sinister turn. He was accused of treason by people with a clear agenda against him. What didn’t help Geoffrey’s cause was that Stephen was a rather weak willed man and prone to listening  to those he shouldn’t be listening to. Geoffrey was arrested in St Albans in 1143, charged with treason. Geoffrey was forced to surrender his castles at Pleshey and Saffron Walden in Essex. Needless to say, Geoffrey and his allies were seething and Stephen had, yet again, created another big problem for himself with rebellion very much on Geoffrey’s mind.

Although he was deprived of his strongholds, Geoffrey still managed to gather together a group of supporters to aid his rebellion, primarily using bribery to do so. Geoffrey’s band of men was something of a motley crew, ranging from battle hardened knights and archers to out and out crooks. Setting himself up in the Isle of Ely, where, famously, the Anglo Saxon Hereward The Wake had been based, Geoffrey began to attack the king’s lands, setting fire to some and looting others. Whatever Geoffrey took in the pillaging, he used to pay off his knights for their services. Geoffrey’s rebellion then became much more serious with the arrival in England, from Normandy, of his sister with her second husband who was, evidently, a fearsome fighter.Now relying heavily on his brother in law, Geoffrey’s rebellion marched on unrelenting as he began to attack and destroy churches and religious buildings. 

At one abbey in Cambridgeshire, Geoffrey, early in the morning, forced entry and drove all the monks out into the early morning air, no doubt dazed and confused. As well as helping himself to anything valuable inside the abbey, Geoffrey strengthened the abbey and turned it into a makeshift stronghold, garrisoning it with his now sizeable army. However, Geoffrey had pushed his luck too far. He found himself excommunicated and, soon after, was to meet his end. Geoffrey attacked the small and insignificant castle at Burwell. Whilst he was laying siege to Burwell, Geoffrey was struck in the head by an arrow. As he lay dying, Geoffrey, predictably, asked God for forgiveness. 

The fact he was to die excommunicated was a problem for Geoffrey as this meant he could be refused burial in Holy Grounds. Geoffrey would have been aware of this as he lay dying and probably would have been of some distress. He died in 1144 and his body was accepted by the Templars and entombed at Temple church. Whilst Geoffrey’s rebellion had been taking place, King Stephen had been desperately trying to put a stop to it as well as dealing with a whole host of other problems. News of Geoffrey De Mandeville’s death would have been welcome to him but there was another factor beginning to emerge in Stephen’s war with Matilda and that came in the shape of Matilda’s son, Henry, who had just been knighted by his Great Uncle, David I of Scotland.. The young boy of 11 was fast maturing and now an obvious alternative to those unsure of the possibility of Matilda taking the crown with female rule an alien thought to many in the Middle Ages. Even though Stephen would fight on, he must have felt the possibility of him establishing a lasting dynasty was a prospect fast slipping away from him

Henry II's Final Battle

By 1189, Henry II, ageing and tiring from continuous problems with his sons, once again had to brace himself for warfare as the eldest of his two remaining sons, Richard, allied himself with the devilish king of France Philip II. Philip and Richard began to eat into Henry’s holdings in France as castle after castle fell into their hands. With Henry staying in Le Mans, Philip and Richard made preparations to launch an unexpected attack and catch the king of England off guard. Henry was said to be furious at the fall of his lands and the gradual disintegration of his once mighty empire. But what made him particularly angry was the continued treachery of Richard. All Henry could do now was turn to William Marshal, the finest knight and warrior of his age. The king instructed Marshal, as well as a handful of other knights, to ride out early in the morning to locate Philip and Richard’s army.

Marshal and the others did as they were ordered. They wore light armour in order to travel more easily and set out on their scouting mission. They came to a river but crossing it was made much more challenging by the thick fog that had descended. Eventually, they crossed and soon enough they came upon the enemy who were evidently marching at great speed. One of Marshal’s small retinue suggested that it would be best to return, with all haste, to Henry to inform him that the enemy was approaching. Marshall, however, delayed him. Marshall wanted a closer look at Richard and Philip’s army. After returning to his small band of men, Marshall had discussions over what to do next. One knight wanted to attack the French scouts who were riding on ahead and seemingly, paying little attention to the environment around them. Marshal, seeing little to gain from this, dismissed the idea as folly and instead chose to return to Henry.

Henry realised he had little option but to depart Le Mans, once he had been informed by Marshal on the situation facing him. However, he took steps to ensure that Richard and Philip’s progress was hindered as much as possible. The bridge that Marshal had crossed during his scouting mission was pulled down, ditches were dug and the fords of the river were impeded so crossings were made highly treacherous. As this was being done, Philip and Richard drew steadily closer until Henry and his men could see them across the river. At this point, the level headed and calming advice of William Marshal helped to clear Henry’s mind. Philip and Richard had set up camp and so there was no need for Henry to panic. Yet.

Henry and his men rose early in the morning. Here, the English king had a heated disagreement with Marshal over the wearing of armour. Henry demanded that Marshal take his off armour and disarm himself, as he sought to speed up the departure from Le Mans. Marshal, sensing a battle could be imminent, point blank refused the king’s request. Angered, Henry told Marshal to stay behind as he departed the town, along with a number of other knights. Evidently, the king thought the precautions that he had taken to prevent Richard and Philip’s army from crossing the river would hold at least long enough for Henry and his men to reach safety. But a small band of French knights had found a crossing, much to the dismay of the English, and now Henry and his company were in grave danger. Marshal, ever the wise man of war, had been proven right. Those who had disarmed themselves would now be regretting it.

For Marshal, there was nothing else for it but to rouse the men still inside the walls of Le Mans. The fighting between the two sides was fierce. Marshal, in particular, defended the gates of Le Mans particularly staunchly, to the point where his horse suffered a crippling injury. Henry, somewhat embarrassed and realising how wrong he’d been, was now entirely reliant on Marshal. Perhaps fueled by this, Henry, needlessly, started a damaging fire, which played into Philip’s hands and the French king returned to his position over the river. The flames of Henry’s fire continued to spread and the decision was taken to abandon Le Mans completely. Further fighting broke out when the French saw Henry and Marshal leading their men out of Le Mans. Philip himself sustained some heavy blows and it was here that Henry’s son, Richard, later known as the Lionheart, would earn his respect for William Marshal.

Marshal cornered the rebellious prince. Richard, in fear for his life, begged Marshal to spare him. Marshal, of course, did so but, after the damage that Richard had caused to the prestige of Henry II, his own father, Marshal was not going to let him go lightly. He drove a spear into Richard’s horse, sending him crashing to the ground. This was Henry’s final military engagement. Not long after, Henry II died with Richard succeeding him. On the death of his father, Richard evidently showed remorse for his behaviour. Some of that remorse, no doubt, instilled in him by that encounter with William Marshal.

 

The Laws of William The Conqueror

 Shortly after becoming king of England in 1066, William The Conqueror made clear the laws that were to be implemented by him. These are referred to as The Articles of William I. Firstly, William emphasised his faith in God, stating his wish that God be revered throughout the entire realm. Of course, in a highly religious age, there was nothing radical about this.William then made mention that peace was to be preserved between the English and Normans. Again, it’s no particular surprise that peace was high on William’s agenda. As a Conquering king, he knew full well that there was going to be, at the very least, extreme tensions between the Normans and the English population. Whether he was prepared for the strength of the English resistance is another question altogether.

William then aimed to secure the safety of the men he had brought with him from Normandy and who could realistically expect to be the target of English jealousy and frustration. Any Englishman who dared to cut down a Norman, was to be apprehended within 5 days by the man he served. If the lord failed to bring the culprit to justice in the allotted time, then he could expect to pay a hefty fine. William also expected every free person in the country to swear loyalty to him and to promise to assist the king should he come under attack from internal or external enemies.

William ordered Normans who had been living in England during the reign of Edward The Confessor, whom he referred to as my relative, to pay a tax. Over time, William would become increasingly obsessed with money and this was a creative way of boosting his finances early in his reign. William ordered the sale of livestock to be conducted inside the walls of a secure town only with three reliable witnesses present. If this wasn’t followed, and William surely knew very often it wouldn’t be, then the transaction would be reversed and fines issued. In that case, the king again would benefit.

William attempted to demonstrate fairness in the laws that he was implementing. If an English native was accused by a Norman of a crime, ranging from theft to murder, and the evidence was fairly clear, then the Englishman could still expect to be given the ability to clear his name despite any evidence against him. He could choose  a trial of ordeal, using a hot iron, or trial by combat. If he was not fit to do either, then he could choose somebody else to take his place. Whoever of the accused and the accuser was defeated, they would then have to pay a fine to the king. Again, William manipulated situations to suit his own ends. William promised to the English that he would maintain laws regarding lands that had worked well in previous reigns. Any free man, who wished to remain free, would be kept under pledge in order to guarantee his good behaviour.

William outlawed the sale of slaves outside of England and, perhaps the most interesting of William’s articles, was his banning of the death penalty. Instead, punishments such as blinding and castration were to be used. Whatever laws William put in place, however, the stability of his authority would be sorely tested in the years following his successful invasion. Rebellion would push him to the brink of endurance and in 1070, William was pushed past what he could tolerate and he resorted to one of the worst massacres of the Middle Ages in a bid to keep control of his kingdom. He may have attempted to look a wise and just king in the laws he passed but his actions spoke of a very different man indeed.